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Is it time for the UK to acknowledge the ‘rhetoric to reality gap’ on its military power? | Defence policy

By the time the first British warship finally reaches the shores of Cyprus, it will have been more than three weeks since the US and Israel first attacked Iran; this is a delayed defense deployment that highlights the UK’s lack of military capacity.

Nominally HMS Dragon was one of three destroyers available out of six. In reality, the battleship had to be removed from dry dock, prepared and tested in the Channel for several days after launch. Arrival date has not yet been confirmed.

“It’s clear that one of the military’s biggest challenges is providing the government with emergency options,” said Matthew Savill of the Royal United Services Institute, reflecting years of spending restraints. “Although the UK has tried to argue that smaller may be better, numbers and capacity have decreased.”

Political priorities lie elsewhere, too. As the United States began to build power in the Middle East from the end of January, Britain chose to stand aside. A handful of fighter jets were sent to RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus and Qatar in early 2026 as a modest extra layer of defense in case Iran retaliates across the region.

“Keir Starmer had decided this was not our war,” said a former senior British military commander. But he added: “If you’ve made that decision, it affects your deployments elsewhere”; This means the UK will be less than prepared if the war initiated by the US and Israel suddenly spirals out of control.

Those within the Ministry of Defense (MoD) insist that the decision to send HMS Dragon was made on the fourth day of the war against Iran. Only then was the option presented to chief of defense staff Richard Knighton and approved by him and defense secretary John Healey.

This was approximately 36 hours after enemy drones targeted the UK’s base at Akrotiri. One of these hit a hangar used by US spy planes, prompting the evacuation of non-essential personnel and thousands of nearby Cypriots.

Although HMS Dragon is the only Royal Navy warship confirmed to have been deployed so far, US pressure is on the UK to participate in a possible naval escort in the Strait of Hormuz. HMS Anson, the only existing nuclear attack submarine of the six, may be heading for the Middle East after leaving Western Australia more than a week ago.

Former general Richard Barrons, one of three members of Labour’s strategic defense review team, argued that the wider lack of military preparedness was a product of “the armed forces we have achieved at the end of the post-Cold War era – an army of the right size for a threat-free period”.

At the end of the Cold War, a period when the UK spent 3.2% of its GDP on defence, the UK had 51 destroyers and frigates. The number halved to 25 in 2007 and now stands at just 13, with many of the smaller fleets aging. The UK spends 2.4 per cent of GDP on defence; Labor has promised to raise this figure modestly to 2.5 per cent by April 2027.

Line chart of UK defense spending as a share of GDP from the late 1980s to 2035

Britain had kept four mine hunters and a mothership in Bahrain for 20 years, believing that Iran might try to mine in the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz in case of a crisis like the current one. However, the last three were removed last year; Two ships have been retired, including HMS Middleton, which was towed to England in January. “We were prepared for this possibility” [the conflict with Iran]”But the UK wasn’t there when it happened,” said one naval officer.

A persistent complaint among military figures is that Labor ministers and their Conservative predecessors have been reluctant to acknowledge what one former senior figure described as “the gap between rhetoric and reality” – where the UK is trying to act like a global power with global military capabilities that are in reality very weak.

An example of this is the UK’s commitment to creating a stabilization force for Ukraine. Starmer said Britain would lead alongside France if a permanent ceasefire was reached, at a time when the size of the British army was as low as 71,151 personnel.

A mission where Russia was deemed to pose a medium threat could require around 5,000 British troops; An army official said that if the current commitment to maintain a battle group was maintained, particularly in Estonia, it would be “quite challenging” to maintain it for more than two years, given the need for rotation.

Line chart of British military personnel 2010-24

Others familiar with Whitehall’s workings complain that Starmer “doesn’t play the cards we have in US relations well” and argue that “nobody in the cabinet or elected Labor Party has any intention of using hard power”. The former Whitehall staffer said the loss of niche contributions such as mine hunting was making Britain less relevant.

Staying away from bombing Iran is politically popular in the UK, and Starmer has made clear the UK “will not be drawn into a wider war”. Meanwhile, the hesitant Donald Trump appeared surprised by Israel’s recent bombing of Iranian gas fields and may be considering a ground offensive to seize Iran’s Kharg Island in the Gulf.

However, increasing the UK’s military spending amid global uncertainty is something Starmer accepts in theory. At last summer’s NATO summit it agreed to increase defense budgets by £30bn to 3.5% of GDP by 2035.

But in practice this has not been acknowledged by the Treasury in budgeting, and earlier this week chancellor Rachel Reeves spoke of only reaching 3% “for the next parliament”, which could run until 2034.

Fiscal stability has been lingering for months, as the 10-year defense investment plan, which outlines spending line by line, has been suspended without a release date since last fall. The Treasury has so far failed to make the money available; Brief speculation last month that the defense budget could rise to 3% by 2030 was quickly quashed by Downing Street.

The Ministry of Defense believes it will need a further £28bn over the next four years to meet existing commitments, including a long list of programs such as the £31bn Dreadnought nuclear submarine exchange, the construction of new frigates with Norway, as well as the development of new fighter jets with Italy and Japan, and new Aukus nuclear-powered submarines with the US and Australia.

“Can we do this with the budget we have? The answer is no,” Knighton said in January as he reviewed all of the Defense Department’s requests.

But as Britain’s economic growth stalls, money is tight. “Everyone says there is no financial gap,” said a former senior civil servant. And there is no sign that a politically weak Starmer will disrupt the Treasury.

The question for the UK’s long-term national security, the former official argued, was: “We’re entering a world of powerful, crazy leaders and I can’t say I’m confident there won’t be a Sino-US conflict in the next few years.” This is the argument of last resort: that more military investment is a necessity for a medium-sized country because the world could become even more dangerous.

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