Stop blaming India, dear Pakistan: Here’s what you must do to end bloodshed in Balochistan | World News

New Delhi: Balochistan is located in the southwest of Pakistan and constitutes a large part of the country’s territory. Although it is rich in minerals and natural resources, it is its poorest province and the battleground of Pakistan’s longest-running civil conflict.

Tensions between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan began soon after the country came into existence in August 1947. The province officially became part of Pakistan in 1948. The violence began shortly thereafter and recurred over the decades.

Conflicts have become more intense in recent years. Analysts say the current phase is one of the busiest yet.

On January 31, armed groups launched coordinated attacks in nearly a dozen cities across the state. The attacks were led by the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), which wants the province’s independence.

More than 30 civilians and at least 18 law enforcement officers were killed. Security forces later said more than 150 fighters died in the operations that followed.

The next day, Balochistan Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti said in a television interview that the solution to the province’s problems came from the army and not from political talks.

Many analysts trace the origins of the conflict to the final years of British rule and the uncertain political arrangements that preceded Pakistan’s independence.

How did Balochistan join Pakistan?

Before 1947, Balochistan was not a single political unit. Some areas were directly administered by the British and were called “Chief Commissioner’s Balochistan”. Other regions like Kalat, Makran, Las Bela and Kharan were princely states. These states had agreements with the British rather than direct colonial rule.

At the time of partition, Kalat Khanate technically had an independent status. Pakistan’s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah initially accepted this position. However, the country’s view changed as the importance of Balochistan’s coastline became clear. The coast provides access to the Strait of Hormuz, a strategically important global shipping route.

On 27 March 1948, the ruler of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, agreed to join Pakistan. His brother Abdul Karim rejected the decision and took a small armed group to Afghanistan. This was the first Baloch rebellion. It ended within months of his surrender.

Many Baloch nationalists saw this event as “forced participation”. This belief guided subsequent resistance movements.

Repeated uprisings

The second major uprising began in 1958. This uprising followed Pakistan’s “One Union” policy, which united all provinces in West Pakistan into a single administrative unit. Baloch leaders saw this as a loss of political identity and autonomy.

Nawab Nauroz Khan, a senior tribal leader, led an armed rebellion. The rebellion ended with his arrest. Several of his associates were executed after a military trial. Khan was sentenced to death but the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. He died in prison.

Another period of unrest followed in the 1960s. It arose from opposition to military rule under General Ayub Khan and demands for political rights. The scale of violence was limited.

The most violent conflict occurred in the 1970s. In 1973, the elected state government led by the National Awami Party (NAP) was dismissed. Armed resistance has spread to large parts of Balochistan.

The federal government accused NAP leaders of planning to disintegrate Pakistan. The claim has never been proven. Party leaders, including then Prime Minister Serdar Attaullah Mengal, were arrested. Thousands of Baloch fighters fought approximately 80,000 Pakistani soldiers. Thousands of people were killed in the conflict.

The conflict ended in 1977 when General Zia-ul-Haq took over after a military coup and declared amnesty for Baloch fighters, but their political demands were never addressed.

From tension to open conflict

Following the conflict in the 1970s, violence subsided for a time. Anger continued beneath the surface. Many accused the state of using Balochistan’s gas and other resources without improving local living conditions.

Various events increased the resentment. An important moment occurred in 2005 when Shazia Khalid, a doctor working for a state-owned gas company, was raped by a captain. At that time, General Pervez Musharraf was ruling the country.

Large protests followed and were met with violence. In August 2006, former prime minister and prominent tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed during a military operation.

His death became a symbol for many Baloch people. Armed resistance expanded as many people began to believe that independence was the only solution.

In recent years, protests have increasingly been led by young and educated Baloch people. Women took visible roles in demonstrations and activism.

The state maintained a heavy security presence. Human rights groups have expressed serious concerns. Activists say thousands of ethnic Baloch people accused of supporting armed groups have been killed or forcibly disappeared. Many of the missing persons were later found dead, often showing signs of torture.

The government denies these allegations. Authorities say many of the missing people joined rebel groups in remote areas or crossed into Iran or Afghanistan.

Development and resistance

The current rebellion has grown along with major economic projects. These include expansion of gas extraction, development of Gwadar port, mining projects and the $62 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

Many Baloch groups say these projects benefit outsiders and leave local communities behind.

Armed groups such as the BLA and the Balochistan Liberation Front describe their struggle as a struggle against exploitation and for “national liberation”.

The Pakistani government accused India of supporting separatist groups in Balochistan. These allegations came to limelight in 2016 when Kulbhushan Jadhav was arrested in the state. Pakistan said he was an Indian intelligence officer working for the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW).

Pakistan released a video purportedly showing Jadhav admitting his involvement in the attacks. India has consistently shot down the claim and denied that he was a spy.

I’m looking for a way forward

In the 2010s, Baloch armed groups became more organized and started targeting Chinese citizens and projects. The attacks targeted Gwadar port, a luxury hotel in the city, the Chinese consulate in Karachi and a Chinese cultural centre.

At the same time, the government has increased efforts to develop Balochistan’s mineral resources. China operates a large copper mine in Saindak. The Reko Diq project, one of the world’s largest untapped copper and gold deposits, is also planned.

Balochistan’s geography also adds to this challenge. It covers 44 percent of Pakistan’s territory and shares borders with Iran and Afghanistan.

The province has a rugged terrain with large and sparsely populated areas. It contains just over 6 percent of Pakistan’s population. Rebel groups generally operate in mountainous regions.

Using security forces to eliminate violence in a large and rugged province like Balochistan is almost impossible, especially when local problems are ignored.

Many analysts believe the government should rethink its strategy. They say that the problem is approached with ego rather than a serious effort to solve it. Instead of dealing with the underlying issues, the focus was on managing perceptions, especially for audiences outside Balochistan. What the province needs, they say, is a political and practical response.

They also point out that power alone cannot resolve a political conflict. When authority is based on fear rather than trust, people stop sharing information. Cooperation weakens, intelligence suffers, and even heavily guarded areas become vulnerable to attack.

Government officials continue to support military action, but this approach has been criticized. Pakistan has used coercive and militaristic methods for years, but these have failed to bring lasting peace. Analysts think a fundamental change in strategy is needed. The process must begin with meaningful confidence-building steps that will create space for political compromise and dialogue.

They say any serious effort must address the conflict politically. This includes addressing enforced disappearances, ensuring fair political representation and establishing a “credible Truth and Reconciliation Commission.”

They conclude by arguing that the state must provide a clear roadmap for structured dialogue and create institutional mechanisms to address Balochistan’s long-standing political, economic and governance grievances.