The two bypolls fought by Congress leader Kamaraj in Tamil Nadu

122. Former Prime Minister K. Kamaraj (1903-75), celebrated on July 15, 2025, was known for organizational skills and strengthened the Congress in Tamil Nadu.

In his long career, he had so many shepherds of the national party in the state that the Congress has won most of the election wars since 1946. Of course, in the 1967 and 1971 parliamentary surveys, Kamaraj’s leadership qualifications and election judiciary borders came to the fore.

However, in 1954, the Gudiyatham Assembly had two election competitions in the election zone and in 1969 to NAGERCOİL (now called Kanniyakumari) to the Lok Sabha seat – the main player and both cases achieved success with Finess. Two -goodened elections had a common feature: both were built in regions outside the domestic region – Ramanathapuram, under the virudhunagar [the place of his birth] He fell between 1910 and 1985.

Gudiyatham Assembly Election Zone

The need for a competition in the election of Gudiyatham Bye emerged because he had to become a member of the Legislative Assembly after his appointment for the chamber as prime minister in April 1954. Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly At that time, he did not choose to have the pioneer of Kamaraj’s pioneer C. Rajopal (Yasalı Council) (different council) (different) (different) (different), pioneer or a member of the different council (one of his successors in 1952 CN Annadurai (CNA) used the path of CR in 1967. There was a debate in the Madive theorist party at India’s (CPI’s unloaded communist party.

The Kumaraj from Virudhungar in the southern generation of the state was a member of Parliament when he was prime minister. The gap in the legislative parliament was only divided into Vellore, Raniper, Thirupatur and Tiruvannamali regions, which was only part of the old North Arcot region. At that time, Gudiyatham was a seat member reserved for castes planned with a seat.

While the Kamaraj made clear that he wanted to fight for the general seat to the party in June 1954, the Castes Federation (SCF), which was planned by BR Ambedkar, approached the Congress on 22 June 1954 to allow the Congress to accept its member for a reserved seat. [in the event of the request being accepted,] Congress and SCF will have the first time to have a choice of election. However, this proposal was probably not Fructify due to the tense ties between Ambedkar and Congress at all India. Finally, SCF Gudiyatham was left to put his own candidate. Congress candidate T. Manavalan and Federation M. Krishnaswami were the separated seats.

Although the Congress candidate was the Prime Minister himself, the ruling party did not take the chance. Two Centers Minister – Deputy Minister of Health Maragatham Chandrasekhar and Union Minister of Industry and Trade TT Krishnamachari (TTK) – C. Subramaniam was prepared for the survey. 2 Cabinet and Finance Minister.

The main rival of the Prime Minister was K. Kothandaraman from CPI. Experienced journalist TS Chockalingam says in the biography of former Prime Minister’s biography, that all members of the congress have turned their “attention ve into Gudiyatham and started the chambers of“ friends ”from each region. There was another miracle miracle – Dravidar Kazhagam and the Muslim League, they started supporting him and began his hunters.

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Kumaraj was not the person to be moved with “such widespread support .. He dived into the campaign and carried out his work in the villages. For a few weeks to go to the date of the poll, he discussed 100 out of 160 villages in the election zone, and Hindu wrote on July 18, 1954. Although the communists, despite the fact that the country is in power, the country does not solve many problems, what kind of meeting of the Kamaraj at a meeting, how a meeting of the Kamaraj in a meeting, criticism, criticism responds to criticism, independence. Krishnamachari told the voters that Kamaraj was the “friend and follower of the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. As a person who was aware of the living standards of the poor, the TCC would do his best to raise them.

When the result was released on August 4, 1954, it was on the expected lines. The cabin was eaten with a comfortable margin of CPI – about 38,000 votes. This was the only situation in which the former prime minister was nominated in the northern part of the state.

About 15 years later, the political field in the state was not good -natured to either the Kumaraj or the congress. At the beginning of 1967, the national party came out of power in the state after almost 20 years of rule. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) slightly lost in the election area of the Virudhungar Assembly. The DMK, a rainbow coalition of Swatantara and CPI (Marxist), led by CNA, caught the power strikingly. Although the congress was in power in the center, there were changes in the balance of power. The “Old Guard ve in the ruling party was experiencing the decline, and naturally there were difference reports between the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and some cabinet colleagues, who were considered to be members of the“ Old Guard ”. When the distinguished position of the Congress in the country’s politics began to decrease, new political forces emerged.

NAGERCOİL DOK SABHA ELECTION ZONE

‘Marshal’ A. Virudhungar after the defeat of people looking for the opportunity to regain the trust of people, this newspaper reported the next day. There were six more contestants. However, the war was among M. Mathias, supported by the alliance led by the DMK, including the Swatantara and the Muslim League.

Normally, Nagercoil should not be a difficult land for the congress, which has a strong base even then, as it is now. In addition, even in 1967, when the national party was thrown in most of the regions, five of the six parliamentary election zones went in favor of the congress. However, the DMK decided to make the competition more intensive.

Former Congress leader Pazha Nedumaran, “Perunthalaivarin Nizhalil” [In the shadow of great leader (meaning Kamaraj)]He said that the election of the GYE was transformed into another “Kurukshetra War, and that the entire loan should go to SI, the Minister of Public Works M. Karunidhi and the former Assembly SI. Later, PA Aditanar, who was the minister in the DMK cabinet chaired by Karunanidhi. In the assessment of Mr. Nedumaran, DMK leaders had tasted the defeat of Kamaraj, [the possibility of which could not be ignored especially after Virudhunagar]Tamil can be driven by Nadu politics.

With the assembly of election fire, the atmosphere was a “plug -in ıyla with a truck flow that brought supporters of rival parties from outside the region, Hindu wrote on January 5, 1969 three days before the vote. The newspaper, “in the last 10 days, the police, most of the election conflicts in connection with the members of the congress arrested approximately 200 people,” he said. At that time, Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) Chief C.Subramaniam (CS) accused the DMK of bringing “rental hooligans a from the neighboring Tiruneli region. Karunanidhi, who controls the Mathias campaign, challenged CS’s claims and said that he was “violence”. As for the complaint about the participation of senior DMK ministers in the campaign, Karunanidhi thought that the party “only follows the example” determined by the Congress. The response of the Kamaraj was that his party refrained from inviting union ministers to the campaign in the election zone, although they were “ready to come”.

In the midnight of January 4, the Bustified election frenzy rose to a boiling point where Kittu, a worker of the DMK, was killed and the other two people underwent a stab injury. That day, the President of the State Police (called the Inspector General) RM Mahadevan reached Nagevan to supervise preparations. Police Inspector S. Choiced to obtain medical permission for a month. Immediately instead of traffic commissioner K. Srikumara menon took. Madurai. According to this newspaper, on the day of voting (January 8), then the chief election commissioner SP Sen Verma visited up to 35 voting stations of the election zone. Considering the High decibel campaign, voter participation exceeded 75%, and a few points higher than Nagercoil recorded in 1967.

After all, there was no big surprise element. Kumaraj, 2,49.437 votes by destroying the vote on Mathias 1.28.201 with a big difference won the election by goodbye.

A. Gopanna, who commented on the election wars of the former Prime Minister, who has also written his biography, feels that the Kamaraj always emphasizes more support than anything else. R. Kannan, the biography of the former head Minister CN Annadurai and Mg Ramachandran, as well as writing ‘DMK years’ by competing in NAGERCOİL, he says he wants to stay relevant asında as well as writing “DMK Years”.

The Kamaraj’s participation in two -goodened elections showed how much he attached importance to protecting legitimacy from the public as a political leader.