‘Turbulence’ examines Australia’s role in Trump-era power plays

A new book offers a sharp and disturbing examination of how Australia’s foreign policy has been shaped, guided and amplified by the strategic ambitions of the Trump-led US. Bevan Ramsden considers Turbulence: Australian Foreign Policy in the Trump Era.
WE OWE Clinton Fernandes For their insights into worldwide economic turmoil and political uncertainty. Embers Management.
Inside TurbulenceFernandes shows that beneath this chaos lies a calculated agenda designed to achieve and maintain United States dominance economically and in key areas such as telecommunications, space, robotics, bioengineering, nanotechnology, and manufacturing; This means full-scale competition with China. If economic control is not possible, plan B is global economic separation from China.
To achieve his goals, Trump focuses his attention on three front lines: Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Taiwan.
Fernandes shows the true purpose of Australian foreign policy in this turbulent Trump era. Put plainly, he sees the main purpose of such policies as a continued subservient commitment to keep Australia linked to the United States.
Turbulence It reveals the Trump Administration’s core purpose: more money for the rich. Everything else is window dressing and feeding divisive prejudices to maintain necessary public support.
Trump’s most important election supporters were a coalition of elite investors. And they were rewarded. 13 members of his cabinet are billionaires and their total wealth is $460 billion. This is a case of the rich ruling for the rich.
Fernandes’s article is as follows:
‘Trump is trying to accelerate the pace of global restructuring…’ [his] The agenda at home and abroad follows the Golden Rule. This is primarily the agenda of the elite investor coalition, particularly representatives of technology, financial, oil, gas and mining interests. This is also, and most importantly, the agenda of the voting base of the modern Republican party, where separation of church and state is not core values.’
On the European “Frontline” of Trump’s strategy, Fernades says of the end of the Cold War:
‘The central front in the struggle for global supremacy is China, not Europe. The priority of US strategy is no longer for its European allies to become rich and contribute to the military defense of the continent. Instead, their role is to accommodate US industrial policy, restrict economic relations with China and help maintain US technological dominance.’
Regarding Europe’s increasing military spending, Fernandes says:
The United States wants Europe to spend more on its military, but has always opposed European plans to integrate its members’ forces independently of the United States. In other words, the USA opposes Europe’s strategic autonomy. He wants Europe to spend more not to become independent from the United States, but so that the United States can focus on China. The United States will remain in the background with its nuclear deterrent, but its conventional forces will focus on China and the western hemisphere.
Fernandes, who moved to Trump’s Middle East Front, clearly reveals the main issue for the USA:
‘Control of Middle East oil is the central goal of US strategy for the region… Whoever controls it can wield global influence… The key to understanding US strategy is to distinguish between “access to oil” and “control of oil”.’
Fernandes quotes former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinskiwho wrote:
‘The US’s military dominance in the Middle East region gives it indirect but politically critical influence over the European and Asian economies that also depend on energy imports from the region.’
Fernandes explains the importance of Israel in ensuring US control over Middle Eastern oil. Apart from arming Israel, Zohar PaltiFormer Israeli intelligence director Mossad who is the intelligence agency in question In October 2024: “Israel cannot fight without US weapons. But it is Israel that takes the risk.” [and] He knows how to get the job done.”
Fernandes continues:
The United States supports this as part of an imperial vision: The United States is an imperial power, controlling the region through a sub-imperial power (Israel) and protégés (oil-rich Arab monarchies). Both the US and Australia know that Israel has nuclear weapons. It is assessed to have approximately ninety aircraft-deployable nuclear warheads, land-based ballistic missiles, and possibly sea-based cruise missiles. [But] foreign policy is a matter of priorities, and ensuring control of Middle East oil is a higher priority than a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East.
The United States and Australia, which invaded Iraq based on Resolution 687, have a special responsibility to establish a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East. The absence of influential local voters means they are under no pressure to do so. [Further]Until the United States and Australia face a significant domestic political challenge to their foreign policies, they may continue to ensure that Israel remains the only nuclear-armed state in the Middle East, even as they impose sanctions on Iran.
In Frontline China, Fernandes quotes Trump’s Secretary of Defense: Pete HegsethWhile I call China mine ‘one speed threat’:
The United States will defend its homeland, of course, but other than that, rejecting China’s claim that it has seized Taiwan by fait accompli is now the Pentagon’s only scenario for progress. This means U.S. commanders are preparing to defend Taiwan against a Chinese takeover if ordered to do so. The United States plans to increase the number of submarines, bombers, unmanned ships, bunker bombs and military logistics in the region, and Australia will calculate how it can best contribute to this plan and demonstrate its suitability for US objectives.
In these last chapters TurbulenceClinton Fernandes attracts attention New York Times‘ He describes Australia as the world’s most secretive democracy and then goes on to lift some of that veil of secrecy.
For example, he discloses that so-called “Freedom of Navigation” patrols by Australian and US naval vessels were military intelligence gathering exercises, preparing the battlefield to enable anti-submarine forces to attack enemy submarines if ordered to do so. He explains that Australia and the United States have airdropped thousands of sonar buoys. These sonobuoys help identify Chinese submarines by collecting their acoustic “fingerprints” for hunting and destroying operations in a combat scenario.
Fernandes’ statement is as follows:
‘This is no secret to the Chinese military, but it is largely hidden from the Australian public, where these activities are said to constitute merely “freedom of navigation” (a term that seems benign and reasonable). ‘Silence about what “freedom of navigation” actually entails shields the Government from democratic accountability and debate about how Australia’s intelligence agencies and military should be used.’
Fernandes explains Australia’s role Harold Holt Naval Communications Station Explaining that Australia could play a vital role in relaying the US President’s order to launch nuclear missiles from nuclear submarines at the North West Cape near Exmouth, Australia, as the VLF radio signal from the station is designed to penetrate seawater to facilitate such communication. Trump, like other US presidents, has the authority to make this decision. He doesn’t have to consult anyone.
AUKUS Fernandes says this is not the nation-building exercise its advocates proclaim. Australia is once again showing its relevance to the United States and a massive spend on its public purse. While he supports the need for submarines for the true defense of Australia, he argues that air-independent submarines are much cheaper than nuclear-powered submarines, meaning many more can be purchased with more local maintenance work over the life of the boats.
Fernandes says former Senator Rex Patrick He argued that Australia could have 20 modern ready-to-use submarines built in Australia and developed by Australian industry for $30 billion at a cost far less than nuclear-powered submarines. AIP submarines are a proven technology used by Japan, Sweden and other European countries.
The author also draws attention to the dangers of obtaining the nuclear fuel used by nuclear-powered submarines within the scope of AUKUS. Nuclear fuel is highly enriched, weapons-grade uranium. Additionally, the design of nuclear reactors can be directly transferred to the production of nuclear weapons.
Fernandes’s article is as follows:
AUKUS means that Australia will effectively have a nuclear weapons capability, and therefore AUKUS poses serious nuclear proliferation risks.
Australia has committed $4.7 billion to the overall US submarine industrial base, which includes its own submarine program producing nuclear-armed submarines; hence AUKUS funds will be spent to build key components of the US nuclear strike force. This fact was not disclosed to the Australian public or parliament. Additionally, it was not disclosed to the Australian public that there was no provision in the contract for a refund if we did not receive US nuclear submarines.
This was determined by the Senator David Shobridge busy questioning Australian Vice Admiral Jonathan Mead and is now registered with Hansard.
Clinton Fernandes says briefly:
AUKUS is a contribution of people, territory, materials, money, diplomacy, and ideology to the warfighting capabilities of the United States. Deterrence has a non-ideological, defensive meaning, but in this case it is a euphemism for “dominance.” The Australian public may support these goals, but they have not been asked meaningful questions about them and have not been told that there are viable alternatives. Perhaps their elected leaders were not asked because they were afraid of the answer.
For those concerned about where Australia’s foreign policy, including AUKUS, is taking us in this Trump-dominated era, here is Clinton Fernandes’ book: TurbulenceA must read book.
Turbulence: Australian Foreign Policy in the Era of Trump is available at: University of Melbourne Press For $17.99 (RRP).
Bevan Ramsden is a long-time peace activist who returned to full-time volunteer organizing work with the Vietnam Moratorium Campaign, where he served on the National Vietnam Moratorium Campaign committee with Victoria representative Jim Cairns. He has since continued his peace activities, most recently as a member of the national co-ordinating committee of the Independence and Peaceful Australia network and editor of its monthly publication, Voice.
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