From streets to state: Why Tarique Rahman bet on student firebrands into Bangladesh’s Cabinet? | World News

Bangladesh’s political landscape has changed dramatically in less than two years. A student uprising that began with anger over public sector employment quotas grew into a nationwide revolt, toppling a long-serving prime minister and reshaping the country’s electoral map. Now the same movement has entered the government.

Tarique Rahman sent a clear signal when he was sworn in as the 11th prime minister of Bangladesh, just five days after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won its first elections since the 2024 uprising. Nurul Haque Nur and Zonayed Abdur Rahim Saki, two of the most well-known faces of the protest movement, were included in the 49-member cabinet. Neither of them belong to the BNP. Both were key figures in the agitation that toppled former prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

Return from exile and wide-based cabinet

Rahman, the son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, returned to lead the South Asian country after living in self-imposed exile in London for 17 years. His party’s victory marked the BNP’s return to power after two decades.

But the cabinet list suggested more than a simple party comeback. By appointing Nur and Saki, both first-time MPs and prominent protest leaders, Rahman acknowledged the political power unleashed by the 2024 uprising and the need to accommodate allies beyond his party’s ranks.

The junior ministers in the new administration are all newcomers to the government, reflecting the broader inexperience of a parliament reshaped by rebellion and realignment.

Who is Nurul Haque Nur?

Nur, 34, comes from a lower-middle-class family in Patuakhali, a coastal district in southern Bangladesh. He won the constituency as the BNP-backed candidate of Gono Odhikar Parishad, a rights-oriented party he co-founded.

He first came to national attention in 2018 as a student leader at Dhaka University during protests against the job quota system in the public sector. At that time, more than half of the coveted government posts were reserved under various quotas. Demonstrators accused Hasina’s government of using the system to reward loyalists.

The pressure worked; The government abolished the quota system in 2018. However, in June 2024, a court reinstated the quota system. This decision reignited protests that quickly grew into a broader movement against what many described as Hasina’s “autocratic” rule. Critics said his 15 years in power were marked by widespread human rights abuses and suppression of dissent.

Noor supported the renewed demonstrations and emerged as a key organizer of the July 2024 uprising that eventually deposed Hasina. In the following period, it moved closer to the BNP-led bloc and aligned itself on reform and governance.

Although the Gono Odhikar Parishad struggled with internal divisions and fissures, Nur positioned himself as the leading voice of a youth-oriented, anti-establishment movement in Bangladeshi politics.

Who is Zonayed Saki?

Saki, 52, represents an older wing of the opposition. He began his political journey as a student activist during the movement against military leader Hussain Muhammad Ershad, who ruled Bangladesh from 1983 to 1990.

In 1998, Saki became the president of the Bangladesh Students Federation, a progressive student body. He later emerged as the co-convener of the Ganosanhati Andolan, or People’s Solidarity Movement, a left-leaning party founded in the late 2000s.

Over the years, Saki has gained a reputation as a consistent and progressive voice. He contested and lost the 2015 Dhaka North City Corporation mayoral race and also failed from the Dhaka constituency in the 2018 general elections.

However, this time he secured victory in Brahmanbaria-6 by a margin of 55,000 votes. After his victory, he told his supporters: “All parties in the anti-authoritarian movement must stay together in the national interest and respect democratic norms.” He also thanked BNP leaders for their support.

Why did Rahman appoint them?

Going by reports, political analysts in Bangladesh believe that the appointments are expected. These reflect the BNP’s confidence in a broad anti-authoritarian alliance that came together during the uprising and survived through the election.

By giving Nur and Saki junior ministerial roles, Rahman recognized their actions without displacing senior BNP figures. The party’s own platform is deep; Giving either man a full cabinet portfolio would mean sidelining a senior leader. The compromise allows Rahman to reward his allies while maintaining intra-party balance.

It also has limited authority to execute positions. As assistant ministers, they will operate within ministries led by senior figures, which shows that although the protest movement has entered the government, it cannot dominate the government.

What about 2024 student leaders?

Not all faces of the uprising joined the ruling party. The National Citizen Party (NCP), formed by prominent student leaders of the July 2024 movement, has formed an alliance with the conservative Jamaat-e-Islami.

NCP struggled in its first election test. He won six of the 30 seats he contested. The group’s leader, 27-year-old Nahid Islam, won a seat and became one of the youngest members of the new parliament.

Now NCP and Jamaat will be in opposition, marking a new chapter for activists who until recently led street protests rather than parliamentary debates.

A government shaped by rebellion

Rahman’s cabinet reflects the contradictions in post-uprising Bangladesh. It mixes seasoned party loyalists with figures made up in protest. It balances pragmatism with symbolism.

By bringing Nur and Saki into government, Rahman acknowledged that the energy that brings down a prime minister cannot simply be absorbed or ignored. Whether this energy can be channeled into stable governance or whether tensions between the party hierarchy and protest politics will surface remains one of the defining questions of Bangladesh’s new political era.