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Social Security has 6 years left. The fix that sounds cruelest may be the smartest

Social Security is six years away from bankruptcy. This is not a prediction buried in an actuarial footnote; That’s the opening finding of a new report from the Penn Wharton Budget Model (PWBM) released Thursday that predicts the program’s Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund will start drying up by 2032.​

And the initial solution that lawmakers reach for (raising taxes) may be the wrong move, certainly.

This is the definitive and counterintuitive conclusion put forward by PWBM researchers. Seoul Ki “Sophie” Shin And Kent SmettersModeling five different reform packages, ranging from all taxes to all cuts, he found that the approach most traditional analysts dismiss as politically radioactive—deep benefit cuts—created the strongest long-term economic growth.

Put the numbers through a standard accounting lens and the tax-heavy plan called Option A looks like the winner. It delays bankruptcy from 2032 to 2058 by raising the payroll tax rate by one percentage point (to 13.4%), raising the taxable earnings cap to $250,000 (from $184,500 in 2026), and switching to a slower inflation index for cost-of-living adjustments.​

Switch to dynamic economic modeling (the kind that tracks how people actually change their saving and work behavior in response to policies) and the picture changes. Option E, the most aggressive benefit-cut plan (no new taxes, deeper formula cuts, and raising the retirement age to 69), calls for a 6.1% GDP increase by 2060 and a 13.5% increase in private capital. Option A, the tax-heavy plan, produces only a 2.4% increase in GDP and a 4.4% increase in private capital over the same period.​

The mechanism is pretty simple: Tell Americans their Social Security checks will be smaller and they’ll save more on their own. Smetters and Shin call this “savings incentive.” More private saving means more capital is available for productive investment, which increases wages. By 2060, wages are projected to be 5.7% higher under Option E, but only 1.6% higher under Option A.​

Smetters told Luck His purpose in this exercise is not to make recommendations, but instead to show “a range of options.” He added that if he had to guess, most people would prefer Option C, which is somewhere in the middle, but left that to the political process. Its mission is to “show the trade-offs between a wide range of options on an unbiased, holistic basis.”

But for critics who argued that the math in this analysis was cruel, it offered the perspective that the most draconian approach is probably the one on the books under current law, which would cut benefits immediately in just six years. This would mean a $2,500 to $2,700 annual cut in benefits for a person retiring within seven years, while PWBM’s harshest scenario, Option E, would reduce benefits by $2,300 per year (for women) and $2,500 per year (for men).

Smetters said even that comparison obscures a lot of the pain suffered by retirees under current law. Once the trust fund is depleted, current law will cut benefits for all retirees, even the proverbial 90-year-old grandmother. Option E, on the other hand, would intensify the pain of new retirees in their sixties.

Researchers suggest that this disconnect stems from a concept that is rarely subject to political debate: implicit debt. Under Social Security’s pay-as-you-go structure, today’s payroll taxes flow directly to today’s retirees; a transfer that carries the same economic burden as overt Treasury borrowing but does not appear on the federal balance sheet. PWBM estimates that these implicit pay-as-you-go obligations are now twice the size of the US’s explicit national debt. If these were recorded according to standard accounting rules, America’s debt-to-GDP ratio would exceed 300%.​

So plans that look good on paper (options A and B significantly reduce the official debt-to-GDP ratio) may underperform in the real economy. They cut off the visible debt while leaving the hidden debt as it was.

None of this comes for free. Gains from aggressive reforms flow primarily to young and future workers, while current retirees and those near retirement absorb the losses. Under Option A, a 60-year-old middle-income person loses $30,745 in lifetime value today. Under Option E, the same person would lose $60,970.​

For someone born in 2051, these options provide lifetime earnings of $42,025 and $81,932, respectively, in the same middle-income bracket.​

But the PWBM report offers unexpected good news on the justice front: Achieving the best long-term outcomes for future generations does not always require the worst short-term suffering for current generations. Under Option C, a middle-ground package that combines some tax adjustments with retirement age increases, most 60-year-olds today actually get ahead in their lifetimes, even if future generations earn more than under Option A.​

More importantly, none of the five options will completely close Social Security’s long-term funding gap. They wouldn’t stop the bleeding, they would reduce it. And with the 2032 deadline now just one presidential term away, PWBM’s core message is methodological as well as political: Decisions made using traditional budget scoring will lead lawmakers astray. The mathematics that drives political consensus is not the same as the mathematics that determines economic outcomes.

This story first appeared on: Fortune.com

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