Dilip Cherian | Is This Finally The End Of The Road For The Delhi Gymkhana?

Is this really the end of the road for the Delhi Gymkhana Club as we know it? Maybe. And if so, no one in Lutyens’ Delhi can honestly say the signs aren’t there.

The Centre’s announcement to evacuate Delhi Gymkhana Club, the babus’ favorite watering hole, from 27 acres of land in the heart of the capital is not an overnight muscle-flexing exercise. The foundation has been laid for years. What started with questions about finances, questionable memberships and internal workings slowly turned into a full-scale government intervention. When bureaucracy creeps into a club’s books, history shows that it is rarely left empty-handed.

For decades, Gymkhana represented a particular Delhi ecosystem: retired generals, senior babus, politicians, fixers, diplomats and the occasional industrialist; all shared drink, gossip and influence under one colonial umbrella. Membership was more about arrival than sport. In Delhi, the waiting list itself was a status symbol.

But the political mood has changed. The old authority no longer carries the protection it once did. A club located on prime public land next to the Prime Minister’s residence and paying what many see as disposable rent was always going to be difficult to defend in today’s conditions.

The government cited “public purpose” and defense-related needs. Whether this is the whole story or the most appropriate legal remedy is something the courts will eventually examine. But politically, the Center probably believes it can easily win this fight in public.

This was the thing that shook Lutyens’s life the most. Not just the prospect of losing a prestigious club, but also the realization that proximity to power is no longer a permanent insurance policy.

Which raises the question as we tiptoe around Delhi’s drawing rooms and club bars: If Gymkhana can be touched, who exactly is untouchable now?

Could it be Delhi Golf Club? High handicap golfers on Dr Zakir Hussain Marg should not forget that the state’s perspective has already begun to change.

Centre’s new Manipur doctrine now clear

The Centre’s decision to shift Mukesh Singh from Ladakh to Manipur is not a routine IPS reshuffle. This is a clear sign that Delhi no longer trusts that the crisis in Manipur will be resolved through traditional political rule.

After nearly three years of ethnic violence, displacement and institutional drift, the state has become less of a governance issue and more of a national security concern. Mr Singh’s appointment reflects this shift in thinking. Having experience in counter-riots and security operations, he is sent not only as the police chief but also as Delhi’s troubleshooter. This is the real message behind the movement.

It also underlines the Centre’s growing confidence in AGMUT cadre officers in politically sensitive areas. In situations where the center wants tighter control and faster enforcement, officers perceived to be closer to Delhi rather than local power structures are increasingly being favoured.

Critics will see this as gradual centralization. They’re not entirely wrong. Every time Delhi imports a “trusted” official into a troubled state, it quietly signals declining faith in local institutions and political leadership.

But Manipur is no longer a normal law and order state. The conflict has deepened ethnic fault lines so much that even the police force has faced allegations of partisan behavior. In this atmosphere, Delhi seems convinced that only an outsider can restore some operational credibility.

The signal from Delhi is clear: Manipur is now treated not just as a troubled state but also as a security priority.

Himachal’s CS call was about trust, not tenure

The uncertainty over Himachal Pradesh’s next chief secretary ended rather abruptly and in classic babu fashion, at the last minute. Just five days before his retirement, Sanjay Gupta was officially appointed chief secretary by the Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu government, ending weeks of speculation on succession and possible extensions.

What seemed like an open contest has now turned into a message. The government chose continuity over experimentation, familiarity over a new power equation. In politically unstable times, prime ministers often prefer officials they already understand rather than risk the emergence of a new bureaucratic center of gravity at the top.

This makes this appointment more about political convenience than administrative tradition. Himachal’s financial situation remains strained, the Congress government continues to manage internal pressures and it is clear that stability within the secretariat is being prioritized over a protracted battle of succession.

The interesting part is that conversations about possible candidates, including civil servants with longer service, have effectively been stopped for now. In many states, governments are increasingly looking for principal secretaries who can stay in office for longer periods of time and avoid annual turnover. Himachal went the other way, opting for immediate control and predictability even if its tenure was short.

There is another aspect. Mr Gupta’s follow-up comes as questions about the earlier allegations and a pending legal review remain on the back burner. This makes the decision more politically bold than a routine executive order.

In today’s babu politics, the post of general secretary is no longer just about seniority but also about trust. Himachal has made this calculation clear.