Hungary’s new PM apologises to those wronged under Orbán in first speech | Hungary

Immediately after being sworn in as Hungarian prime minister, Péter Magyar apologized to those slandered by the state during Viktor Orbán’s time in power; Questions continue to increase about what awaits the country as it enters a new era.

Magyar used his first speech as prime minister on Saturday to address the many people in Hungary who are paying a personal price over the steady erosion of rights under Orbán and his Fidesz party.

“I apologize to all civilians, teachers, journalists, healthcare workers and public figures who have been stigmatized, harassed or treated as enemies because they dared to speak out, stand up for the vulnerable, criticize or simply express a different opinion,” he said. “I am sorry.”

It was a poignant reference to how Orbán, arguably the world’s most successful populist leader, has been targeting civil society groups and media outlets that have been critical of his government for years, launching investigations, launching smear campaigns and dragging them into a quagmire of bureaucracy.

From time to time, those who opposed the former leader appealed to the court. Gergely Karácsony, the liberal mayor of Budapest, and A Roma organizer in Pécs They were accused of organizing Pride marches, a first in the EU. One of the country’s most prominent investigative journalists has been accused of espionage.

Espionage accusations following the landslide victory of Magyar and the Tisza party last month: explained It was dropped by the Committee to Protect Journalists as unfounded.

Magyar struck a very different tone on Saturday, using his platform to call on Hungarians to come together and vow to build a country that is more free, humane and hopeful than it was under Orbán’s populist nationalist movement.

“What unites us will be stronger than what divides us,” he said. “Hungary will be the home of every Hungarian, and everyone will be able to feel that they have a place in the Hungarian nation. Family, friends and communities will be able to talk to each other again.”

Researcher Veronika Kövesdi from Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, I told the news site Telex was the kind of speech that could help heal Hungary, which is trying to turn a new page to the wounds left by the past 16 years under Orbán.

“This is a very specific action… There are material things that people want to see this government do, but there are also emotional expectations,” he said. “We’re talking about improvement, a change in public sentiment or the way we talk to each other. That’s what society wants.”

He described it as an act of reconciliation, “but underscores that making peace with something doesn’t mean we forget it”.

Magyar’s message of unity was in sharp contrast to Orbán, who skipped Saturday’s ceremony and broke decades of tradition by not shaking his successor’s hand.

Instead, he reaffirmed his rhetoric on Sunday and repeated language that led critics to accuse him of trying to rally support by fear-mongering.

“Newcomers need to understand one thing very clearly. If you do not fight for Hungary in Brussels, the Brussels people will crush you,” he wrote on social media.

“It would be a historic mistake to abandon our patriotic position and surrender our national sovereignty for the sake of money or political approval. Foreign elites should not be allowed to decide our future on our behalf!”

As Magyar prepares to announce his cabinet nominations this week, questions remain about what kind of leader he will be.

As he traveled across the country ahead of the election, he vowed to fight corruption and restore democratic institutions, vowing to dismantle Orbán’s system “brick by brick.”

But beyond that, details about what his government will do are unclear. The Magyar campaigned hard and carefully maintained his message while trying to avoid providing fodder for the soldiers. estimated 80% Hungary’s media is controlled by Fidesz loyalists.

Analysts have noted that his ability to rally crowds, along with his background as a senior member of Fidesz until recently, and his tendency to evade tough questions from journalists are reminiscent of another leader.

“In a way, Magyar is like Orbán 20 years ago, without all the baggage, corruption and mistakes made in power,” Andrzej Sadecki, chief analyst at the Warsaw-based Center for Oriental Studies (OSW), told Agence France-Presse.

Many who voted for Magyar readily acknowledged the similarities, describing their vote for Tisza as a gamble born of the hope of proving that he would be fundamentally different from other former Fidesz members.

“Magyar is not a saint, but Fidesz has to go,” Anita, 33, said last month while walking her dog in a park in Kecskemét, a small city about 80 kilometers south of Budapest.

A recent poll found that more than 70 percent of Magyar-voting Hungarians want his government to do more to address the climate crisis and protect LGBTQ+ rights, pointing to the conflicting pressures Magyar faces.

The pressures are further exacerbated by the absence of left-of-center and liberal parties from parliament for the first time since 1990.

Even so, some of the country’s most prominent liberals, such as the mayor of Budapest, appeared willing to give Magyar the benefit of the doubt.

“It’s been a long time since I’ve seen so many happy, liberated people in Budapest,” Karácsony wrote on social media on Saturday. “A great start.”