Here we Joh again! Queensland’s new speech bans and police powers
Open March 11, 2026, Combating Antisemitism and Keeping Weapons Out of the Hands of Terrorists and Criminals Amendment Act 2026 It became law in Queensland. A few hours after confirmation, first arrests occurred and in a few daysThe first police raid has been carried out – but this may only be the beginning, writes Tyson Parker.
QUEENSLAND’S NEW LAWS said it echoed Those from the period of Joh Bjelke-Petersen.
In reply Following the Bondi Beach terrorist attack on 14 December 2025, the Crisafulli Government combined gun reforms with new police powers and measures to stop hate speech.
Some firearm changes have been widely supported, including stricter licensing rules, a ban on 3D-printed gun blueprints and tougher penalties.
Australia Queensland Sport Shooters Association Vice President Michael Norris He told the Parliamentary Committee: measures “Appropriately focus on criminal misuse and reflect the seriousness of these offences.”.
But the Act also lowers thresholds, narrows protections and expands police powers in worrying ways.
Police monitor pro-Palestinian protesters at a rally in Brisbane on 15/06/25 (Image provided)
Speech and broadcast restrictions
Under Chapter 52DA between Criminal Codeit is now considered a crime ‘publicly read, publicly distributed, published or publicly displayed’ two sentences, if they could ‘It could reasonably be expected to cause a member of the public to feel threatened, harassed or offended.’.
The phrases “from river to sea” and “globalizing the intifada” carry a maximum sentence of two years in prison.
FirstlyThe bill left out language that would be prohibited by future regulations.
Thus, a public Inquiry Committee had only 17 days to consider the laws and hundreds of public submissions without knowing the prohibited terms added. at the last minuteand together with certain other provisions.
The Labor Opposition claimed this was due to a split in the Government’s party room, while the LNP Government claimed it was a measure to prevent the opposition from removing or using the same powers in the future.
on March 3Opposition Leader Steven Miles in question:
“The new laws, not new laws, have been rejected by the LNP party room. We understand that some members of the LNP are concerned enough about freedom of expression to consider voting against them.”
on March 5Minister of Police Dan Purdie He told Parliament:
“Labour cannot be trusted not to repeal the regulations and remove these bans when they return to government. If a future government wishes to add or remove any language, it will need to do so through an amendment to the Criminal Code and subject to full parliamentary scrutiny.”
While even supporters of the new laws agree that their meaning is controversial, recent additions have prevented proper scrutiny of these phrases.
Mr Howard PosnerA. Queensland Jewish Board of Deputies advisor, he told the committee:
“I’m sure that when they chant ‘globalise the intifada’ they mean people who genuinely believe there is no violent civil war in Australia. Contrary to the ‘river to sea’ argument,” he said. [there] a legitimate disagreement about what it means, albeit still a terrible one. Of course, gullible people will say things they don’t really mean, but the meaning is pretty clear.”
Law enforcement does not need to prove that someone was actually offended, only that criminal potential exists.
The law also expands it to include visual symbols of organizations defined by the regulation as terrorist organizations or state sponsors of terrorism.
More importantly, the standard of innocent until proven guilty has also arguably been narrowed.
For example, police may arrest journalists for a published statement; these journalists must show a reasonable excuse, such as “fair and accurate” reporting or opposition to ideology, but this can only be done in Court after arrest.
The good news is that legal experts suggest that the laws may yet be subject to Constitutional review.
Australia has no express Constitutional freedom of expression, but implied freedom of political communication.
argument the constitution establishes a representative government and the members of parliament ‘directly elected by the people‘. In order for people to make informed choices, they must be free to communicate on political issues.
Cate Heyworth-Smith KC warned about the law may be vulnerable If they impose this freedom:
“There is a tension, then, in any legislation that seeks to infringe on the freedom of political communication to eliminate racism. If it impermissibly burdens the implied freedom of communication on government or political matters, it will be vulnerable to Constitutional challenges.”
Police monitor pro-Palestinian protesters at a rally in Brisbane on 15/06/25 (Image provided)
Expanded police powers: undercover operations and surveillance
Changes to Police Powers and Responsibilities Act 2000 (PPRA) expanded policing capabilities.
Previously, controlled operations and related surveillance powers were generally reserved for crimes that carried a maximum prison sentence of seven years. This threshold is now any crime that carries a maximum penalty of at least three years.
Bill’s Declaration of Conformity Recognizing potential human rights implications, including privacy and equality before the law, it concludes:
‘…all things considered, the importance of the purpose of the Bill… outweighs the limited and regulated impact on individual rights.’
Many groups including Legal Aid QueenslandHe expressed his concerns and said:
‘There is no apparent justification for controlled operations to only prevent three-year-old crimes such as common assault. Such vast power is extraordinary and confusing…’
Undercover operations are no longer just for gathering evidence; The police are now expressly empowered to authorize operations to “disrupt” – disrupt or prevent – the commission of a crime.
Police powers expanded: Warrantless search and preparation laws
Under Chapters 30 and 32 Under the PPRA, suspicion of publication of prohibited expressions can now trigger warrantless searches.
If a police officer suspects someone of distributing, reading, or publishing a prohibited statement, he or she may search persons and vehicles and seize personal items as evidence. Additionally, the authority to issue a document Firearm Ban Decision (FPO) was removed from the courts and handed over to the Chief of Police.
An FPO can now rely on secret criminal intelligence that the individual will never see, even on appeal. It can also be based on an extensive criminal history, including spent, unrecorded and annulled convictions, as well as charges withdrawn or dropped.
This leaves people potentially facing warrantless searches when defying a blind order.
newly added Section 141ZGA between Arms Law 1990 It also creates another worrying possibility.
‘FPO’s search powers can now only reach people’in the company’ An FPO subject allows police to stop, detain and search them without a warrant if they suspect they are in possession of a firearm or related item.
Perhaps the most comprehensive uncertainty is the new Section 540A between Criminal CodeThis constitutes a 14-year offense of preparation for serious violence.
The prosecution does not need to prove preparation for a specific planned crime or the commission of any crime.
This casts a wide and murky web that can blur the lines between criminal planning and journalism, artistic work or public commentary, if it is later said to be more akin to preparation than investigation or testimony.
It is unclear how these powers will be used until a precedent is established; But it is clear that these broad measures can be used for more than just combating antisemitism and keeping weapons out of the hands of terrorists and criminals.
With raids and arrests are already happeningIt is fair to suspect that they may be tested with a stick rather than a carrot.
As always, those most at risk will be minority and First Nations communities, activists, immigrants, students and journalists.
Tyson Parker is a freelance journalist, photographer and researcher based in South East Queensland.
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