Venezuela’s ruling party unity cracks as Delcy Rodríguez shifts Chávez-era policies

This is a slogan that has long encompassed unique talent. Hugo Chavez violent nationalist revolution to stay in power Venezuelan For 27 years: “If we unite, we will win!”
Ruling party leaders and propagandists, young and old, shout it at official events, street demonstrations and on state television, shaking their fists to show their allegiance to the self-described socialist government and its traditional antipathy toward the United States. Even when faced with overwhelming realities that defied such bravado, a diverse coalition of military, ideological and opportunistic sycophants rallied together.
However, cracks in this unity Striking US military operation then caught President Nicolás Maduro In January. Longtime loyalists have been voicing disagreements with the government of Acting President Delcy Rodríguez and even disputing public rumors that insider treachery helped the United States oust Maduro.
Warming relationship with the USA draws criticism
Rodríguez eliminated some of Chávez’s policies, complied with US demands and replaced the government to his liking, dismissing ministers, introducing legislation to the National Assembly to overhaul the country’s oil industry, and release of political prisoners.
Supporters of Chavismo make clear their disapproval. Many criticize warming relationship There is a conflict between the Rodríguez government and the White House, which Chavism, regardless of party, has historically seen as its main enemy.
May Expulsion of former minister He will face criminal investigations in the US and Rodríguez’s final authorization to the US military A training exercise in the Venezuelan capital has laid bare internal divisions.
Mario Silva spent years spreading pro-government propaganda as the host of a program on state television before it was taken off the air following Maduro’s capture. Silva questioned the legality of the deportation of Maduro’s close ally Alex Saab, arguing that it violated a constitutional ban.
He argued that Rodríguez did not govern freely because some decisions were “made at the US Embassy.”
“The imperialists do not negotiate. They conquer, test and investigate until our country is torn to shreds,” Silva said on live broadcast. “No one is safe right now. And that is a concrete, extremely dangerous fact.”
On May 23, several dozen people in Caracas protested training when two Marine Corps Osprey planes landed at the U.S. Embassy. They carried a Venezuelan flag with the words “No to Yankee drill.” In a city where demonstrations involving thousands of people are frequent, attendance was minimal.
Elías Jaua, who was Chavez’s vice president and served in Maduro’s cabinet during his first years in office, rejected the practice on social media. He later told The Associated Press that he spoke to raise awareness among Venezuelans about the “humiliating” situation the country faces.
“The most important thing at this stage is to prevent the normalization of this occupation and this colonial rule that a nation like Venezuela is subjected to,” Jaua said.
In addition to Chavez and Maduro, Rodríguez, who previously served as vice president and minister of communications and foreign affairs, had also predicted that the United States would use force to take control of Venezuela’s oil industry. Opened to private capital After Maduro’s capture, the Trump administration controls oil sales and manages revenues. phased plan To turn the troubled South American country around.
Maduro’s ouster sparks power struggle
The social, political and economic crisis that emerged after Maduro became president in 2013 caused more than 7.7 million people to leave Venezuela and dragged millions more into poverty. This also led to anti-government protests and US economic sanctions; both of these ensured the survival of the ruling party.
Party stalwarts celebrated Maduro’s victory in the 2024 elections despite overwhelming evidence that he lost. They also reiterated the party leadership’s denial of the increase in immigration. Their loyalty was often rewarded, whether in food and basic goods for the poor or multimillion-dollar contracts and protections for the better off.
Andrés Izarra, who was communications minister under Chavez and tourism minister under Maduro, said the rifts were not based on ideology or defending Chavismo, which he believes ended with the death of its founder in 2013. He said Maduro’s interest is to enrich himself and stay in power at all costs.
He said personal interests create division.
“Since there is no ideological basis, it is just a struggle for power, money, position and survival. Do you think he would have protested if he had kept his bodyguards, or if they had kept his small salary or his share of the power?” “If they had an ideological interest, they would have spoken out much earlier,” Izarra, who has lived in exile since becoming a target of the government over the past decade, said of one of the critics of the Delcy administration’s change.
Loyalists discuss possible betrayal of Maduro
In fact, last month, a Colombian leftist leader sitting in the audience of Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello’s performance stood up and questioned Venezuela’s efforts to free Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores from US custody, which even drew criticism on state television.
“We have seen a very weak campaign for the freedom of Cilia and Nicolás,” Manuel Caicedo said in front of a visibly stunned Cabello.
Another religious Chavista, lawmaker Iris Varela, told a podcaster that she believes someone within the government helped the United States overthrow Maduro. The idea has been widely rumored since President Donald Trump announced the authoritarian leader’s capture on January 3, but no evidence has emerged.
Of course there is betrayal,” Varela said. “I say that for every Jesus there is a Judas. If our Lord Jesus Christ had known that he would be betrayed and still allowed Judas to kiss him on the cheek, … wouldn’t a traitor have emerged for Maduro?”



