Asim Munir New De-Facto Leader Of Pakistan? Sharif Govt Hands Over Massive Powers To Field Marshal; Stage Set For Next Coup? | World News
Is Chaos Near in Pakistan? The Pakistani government on Saturday introduced the 27th Constitutional Amendment Bill, paving the way for the creation of a powerful new position called Chief of Defense Forces (CDF) to oversee the combined command of the Army, Navy and Air Force. The move significantly strengthens the role of the current Chief of General Staff, Gen. Asım Münir, who is expected to assume responsibility for the newly created office.
The proposed amendment aims to amend Article 243 of the Constitution, which regulates the command and structure of the armed forces. Under the new framework, both the Chief of Defense Staff (COAS) and the Commander of the Defense Forces will be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Prime Minister.
However, the bill also states that the Chief of General Staff will also serve as the Commander of the Defense Forces, effectively unifying military authority under a single office. Additionally, the Chief of Defense Staff will appoint the head of the National Strategic Command, which oversees Pakistan’s nuclear command structure, in consultation with the Prime Minister. The amendment clarifies that the head of the strategic command must be from the Pakistan Army.
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The bill also includes provisions allowing officers to be promoted to lifetime ranks such as Field Marshal, Marshal of the Air Force and Fleet Admiral, which have historically symbolized exceptional military authority and prestige.
Concerns About Civilian-Military Balance
The move has reignited familiar debates in Pakistan over the balance of power between the civilian government and the military establishment. Analysts note that the Pakistan Army has historically played a dominant role in national politics, and past coups have shaped the country’s political course.
General Asım Münir already wields significant influence in governance, foreign policy and internal security. Opposition leaders and political observers argue that the new constitutional arrangement could further alienate the power structure from the elected civilian leadership.
The issue gained renewed attention after Defense Minister Khawaja Asif, when asked whether the final decision-making authority lies with the army or the government, said that decisions in Pakistan are taken through “mutual understanding”; this was interpreted by many as a tacit acknowledgment of the military’s pre-eminent role.
Sharif Government Under Pressure
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s administration has faced constant criticism for appearing to depend on military support, especially during economic negotiations, regional diplomacy and internal security operations. The new amendment is thought by some political commentators to strengthen this dynamic.
Observers warn that if tensions arise between the government and the military leadership, the centralization of authority in the hands of the Chief of General Staff could pave the way for increased political friction. While there are currently no clear signs of a coup, political analysts agree that structural change is giving more decisive power to military hands; This is a trend Pakistan has also seen during previous periods of instability.
What does this mean?
The latest constitutional amendment reveals once again the deep structural imbalance at the heart of Pakistan’s political system. Although it is a parliamentary democracy on paper, the elected government appears to have been reduced to a ceremonial layer of approval, while real authority remains in the hands of the military establishment. The concentration of power in the office of the Chief of General Staff, now more institutionalized with the role of the new Defense Forces Commander, further widens the gap between democratic intention and political reality.
Rather than defending the authority granted by the people, the Sharif government chose to strengthen the dominance of the army; this signaled either political desperation or complete dependence on Rawalpindi’s support to remain in power. For a nation struggling with economic crisis, internal instability, and diplomatic isolation, the continued monopoly of unelected centers of power leaves little room for democratic institutions to develop or strengthen. It would not be a surprise if Asım Münir plans another coup in the future and overthrows Shehbaz Şerif.
